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Introduction
Ultimately, we know very little with any certainty about the last king of
Egypt's 4th Dynasty. His birth name was
Shepseskaf, meaning "His Soul is
Noble", and like everything else about him, seems out of place. Most kings'
of this (and most other) periods made some sort of reference to a god in their
name, with all but his immediate successor, Userkaf, who founded the
5th Dynasty, giving that honor to the sun
god Re.
We do believe with much certainty that his father was Menkaure
(Mycerinus),
the builder of the last great pyramid on the
Giza Plateau. We also believe with
considerable certainty that he was responsible for completing his father's
pyramid. His mother is unknown, but was probably one of his father's minor
queens. We also believe that he had at least one wife, named Bunefer.
Egyptologists mostly seem in agreement that he ruled Egypt for a very short
period, probably four years. Here, our knowledge of this king seems to end and
speculation begins, for scholars appear to have many disagreements about the
other aspects of his reign, which mostly hinge on the interpretation of his, and
a few other tombs. Therefore, we must explore these prior to presenting other
questions about Shepseskaf that beg for answers.
The Tomb of Shepseskaf

A View of Shepseskaf's Mastaba Tomb
Unlike his immediate predecessors and his successors, Shepseskaf chose the
form of a Mastaba rather then a pyramid for his tomb, and perhaps for various
reasons, built it in South Saqqara rather than on the Giza Plateau. Called by
the locals, Mastaba Fara'un, (Pharaoh's Bench), it has always been one of
the most enigmatic tombs of the Old Kingdom and
therefore it much investigated
by archaeologists. Perring was the first to describe it and though the
Lepsius
expedition spent little time investigating the tomb, Lepsius did note that it
reminded him of a large sarcophagus. Mariette was really the first to truly
investigate the structure in 1858, examining its underground construction, but
regrettably, only a few of his sketches survived. They were later
published by Maspero.
However, through all the early years of Egyptology and up until the time that
Gustave Jeuier carried out a systematic investigation of South Saqqara between
1924 and 1925, the tomb was ascribed to Unas, the last of the 5th Dynasty kings.
Though Jeuier had a difficult time proving directly that the tomb belonged to
Shepseskaf, there were several items evidencing its builder. First of all, a
stela was found at the site that, while very fragmentary, contained a part of
the sing for the last letter of the king's name. Independent of the site, he
also discovered that the name of the king's tomb was "Shepseskaf is
[ritually] purified", which concluded with a determinative (an explanatory
sign) in the form of a mastaba, suggesting that Shepseskaf's tomb should take
that form. Finally another stela dated to the Middle Kingdom showed that during
that period, Shepseskaf's cult was still active on the site of Mastaba Fara'un.
Certainly there was a
valley temple connected with this tomb, but its remains
have never been unearthed. The causeway that normally connected valley temples
with their mortuary temples directly did not in this case, but rather led to the
southeast corner of the temple before running along the south wall into the open
courtyard surround the mastaba. It was built entirely of mudbrick, and seems to
have taken the form of a corridor with a vaulted ceiling.
As much an aberration as everything else about this complex, the mortuary
temple varies significantly from its predecessors. It stood in front of the east
wall of the mastaba and just as the mastaba, was oriented north-south. It was
small, but even so we may distinguish two different phases in its development,
based on the material employed for its construction.
The oldest section is built of stone and had three entrances. One of the
entrances was in the middle of the east facade, while another was near the
southeast corner. The third entrance was placed in the middle of the south
facade. An open courtyard took up the eastern half of the temple. It was paved
in limestone, and in its northwest corner once stood an altar. The inner part of
the mortuary temple took up the western section of the temple and
consisted of an offering hall shaped like an inverted letter T. In its west wall
there was originally a false door in its west wall. Significantly, there were no
statue niches in this inner sanctuary, though part of a statue of the king was
found in the temple. The northwestern part of the temple was taken up by a
cluster of smaller chambers that were probably storage annexes.
Later, a large, open courtyard made of mudbrick was created to the east of
the mortuary temple with niches that adorned its inner walls
Shepseskaf's mastabas was huge, measuring some 99.6 meters (327 ft) long by
74.4 meters (244 ft) broad, and oriented north to south. The core of the mastaba
was built in two levels of large, grayish yellow limestone blocks that
originated in the stone quarries west of the pyramids at
Dahshur. In the early
years of Egyptian exploration, it was still possible to find remnants of the
pathways over which this stone was transported. The mastaba was encased with
fine white limestone except for the very bottom course of red granite (which
makes us wonder if it was left over from his father's complex). On some of the
casing blocks may be found inscriptions of Prince
Khaemwese's later restoration
of this monument. The outer slope of the casing was 70o and it had a
vaulted top between vertical ends, taking the shape of a Buto shrine (according
to some Egyptologists, such as Mark
Lehner)..
On the axis of the north wall about two and one half meters above ground
level, the entrance to the substructure seems more like that of a pyramid rather
than a mastaba. Within, a small vestibule communicates with a corridor lined in
pink granite that descends at an angle of 23o 30' for 20.95 meters
(69 ft) to a corridor chamber immediately followed by three portcullis slots for
plugging blocks. Afterwards, the corridor becomes horizontal and eventually
terminates in an antechamber with a pink granite ceiling. From there, a narrow
corridor leads out from the southeast of the antechamber connecting with six
niches (some references state five) that may have functioned as small storage
annexes. These may be seen as the equivalent of those found in the pyramid of
his father and that of Khentkaues (pyramid), and may foreshadow the three small magazines
that would later become standard.
Another short passage descends out of the antechamber to the west allowing
access to the burial chamber. Its pink granite ceiling, like that of the burial
chamber of his father, Menkaure, was sculpted into a false barrel vault. Indeed,
even the fragments of his dark, basalt sarcophagus unearthed in the burial
chamber was decorated very similarly to that of his father.
Surrounding the mastaba/mortuary temple complex was a second perimeter wall
made of mud brick. Unlike other royal tombs of this period, there appears to
have been no tombs for Shepseskaf's family members and officials within the area
around his tomb.
Speculation
The aberration of Shepseskaf's name, his tomb and the tomb of his possible
daughter, consort or/and half sister all stand out like sore thumbs, awaiting
the theories of Egyptologists that may perhaps never be proven. All we can do
here is present the current speculation, and possibly add a little of our
own.
Jequier offers an initial explanation that other Egyptologists, such as
Jaromir Malek, who provided the Old Kingdom component of the Oxford History of
Ancient Egypt, find tempting. He was rather convinced that Shepseskaf choose the
mastaba style tomb as an intentional protest against the priesthood of the cult
of Re, the sun god, which was gaining considerable influence. Jequier believed
that the ancient Egyptians considered the pyramid a symbol of the sun, as do
many modern Egyptologists. Certainly the rise of the pyramid coincided with the
growing influence of Re's cult. He also believed that Shepseskaf's move
away from the Giza Plateau and hence, the traditions of his immediate
predecessors, supported his position, but perhaps even more important to his
argument was Shepseskaf's abandonment of Re's reference within his name.
This theory, along with several of its components can be easily attacked, and
have been from a number of different directions. One of the easiest elements to
overcome in Jequier's theory is Shepseskaf's move away from the Giza Plateau.
His father, Menkoaure was required, due to spatial restrictions, to place his
pyramid far away from the Nile, and it is relatively clear from his valley
temple placement, blocking the principal conduit for construction materials into
the necropolis, that he intended no more major monuments to be built there. In
fact, there was simply no more room for such a major construct on the Plateau.
This undoubtedly prompted Shepseskaf to look for another location, and in doing
so, he chose a place that not so very far from the pyramids of the dynasty's
founders. In fact, the stone for his mastaba came from Dahshur, the location of Snefru's
Bent and Red
Pyramids. Saqqara was also a very ancient necropolis, that
in fact relates somewhat to his use of a mastaba rather than a pyramid.
Regarding Shepseskaf's use of a mastaba rather than a pyramid as a protest
against the priesthood of Re, Ricke believed that the obelisk, rather than the
pyramid, was considered by the Egyptians to be the symbol of the sun. After all,
the 5th Dynasty kings who we believe constructed the sun
temples, mostly at Abu Ghurob, with a short obelisk as a focal point, did so in addition to their
pyramid complexes mostly at Abusir. In his opinion, which seems to be mirrored
by one of modern Egypt's great scholars, Mark Lehner, he was, rather than
rejecting the cult of re, honoring his religious heritage in the form of the
Lower Egyptian "Buto-type" tomb. It was really not very uncommon at
all for Egyptian pharaohs to display such archaic tastes. Similarly,
Hans-Wolfgang Muller (1907-1991) felt that Shepseskaf's mastaba was a huge
version of a hut hung with matting. Indeed, Stadelmann, drawing on the arguments
of Ricke and Muller, pointed out that Shepseskaf's use of niches in the
courtyard of his mortuary temple, as well as in certain elements of his father's
pyramid complex, was, an archaizing element from Egypt's earliest architecture.
In addition, it must also be noted that Shepseskaf faced the difficult task
of completing his father's pyramid at Giza. This must have certainly created a
considerable administrative and financial burden, at a time when the Egypt was
apparently suffering some economic hardship. This may have led him to downsize
his own tomb. Other possibilities exist. It is possible that the mastaba was initiated prior
to his ascent to the throne, for example, or that it was a provisional tomb
created with the possibility that if time permitted, another once could have
been built.
We question whether many of the issues will ever be
answered. This tomb has been considerably investigated, as has
the Saqqara Necropolis in general, so perhaps there will be no
new answers. But the possibility always exists that future
discoveries may, at least, provide answers to at least some of
the questions surrounding this mysterious man and his tomb.
References:
| Title |
Author |
Date |
Publisher |
Reference
Number |
| Chronicle of the Pharaohs
(The Reign-By-Reign Record of the Rulers and Dynasties
of Ancient Egypt) |
Clayton, Peter A. |
1994 |
Thames and Hudson Ltd |
ISBN 0-500-05074-0 |
|
Complete Pyramids, The (Solving the Ancient Mysteries) |
Lehner, Mark |
1997 |
Thames and Hudson, Ltd |
ISBN 0-500-05084-8 |
| History of Ancient Egypt, A |
Grimal, Nicolas |
1988 |
Blackwell |
None Stated |
| Monarchs of the Nile |
Dodson, Aidan |
1995 |
Rubicon Press |
ISBN 0-948695-20-x |
| Oxford History of Ancient
Egypt, The |
Shaw, Ian |
2000 |
Oxford University Press |
ISBN 0-19-815034-2 |
|
Pyramids, The (The Mystery, Culture, and Science of Egypt's Great Monuments) |
Verner, Miroslav |
2001 |
Grove Press |
ISBN 0-8021-1703-1 |
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